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APPENDIX 3:METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURESIt is appropriate to commence by recalling how the Barron Report came into being. On the 19th December 1999, An Taoiseach announced the appointment of Mr. Justice Liam Hamilton. His terms of reference were agreed on 15th February 2000, and were as follows: ‘To undertake a thorough examination involving fact finding and assessment of all aspects of the Dublin and Monaghan and their sequel, including: (i) the facts, circumstances, causes and perpetrators of the bombings; (ii) the nature, extent and adequacy and of the Garda investigation, including the co-operation with and from the relevant authorities in Northern Ireland and the handling of evidence, including the scientific analyses of forensic evidence; (iii) the reasons why no prosecution took place, including whether and if so, by whom and to what extent the investigations were impeded; and (iv) the issues raised by the Hidden Hand T.V. documentary broadcast in 1993.’ In this context the phrase the “Dublin and Monaghan bombings” refers to: (i) the bomb explosions that took place in Parnell Street, Talbot Street and South Leinster Street, Dublin, on 17 May, 1974. (ii) the bomb explosion that took place in Church Square2, Monaghan, on 17 May 1974. The results of the examination by Mr. Justice Hamilton (who was succeeded by Mr. Justice Henry Barron) were to be presented to the Government, to be followed by an examination of the report, including in public session by the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights, or a sub- Committee of that Committee. The Sub-Committee on the Barron Report was subsequently established to achieve those aims. It was envisaged that the Joint Committee would advise the Oireachtas as to what further action, if any, would be necessary to establish the truth of what happened. 2 The original orders of reference assigned to Mr. Justice Liam Hamilton referred to North Street, but the bomb in fact occurred outside Greacen’s Bar, Church Square, Monaghan. 88 The Barron Report was presented to An Taoiseach on the 29th October 2003. The main body of the Report was 277 pages long. An idea of the areas covered may be gathered from the “part” headings: Part 1: Background information; Part 2: The Garda Investigation; Part 3: Assessment of the Investigation Part 4: Issues raised by the “Hidden Hand” Programme; Part 5: The Perpetrators and Possible Collusion; Part 6: Conclusions. The Report also contained four appendices dealing with the following subjects: (i) A transcript of the “Hidden Hand” Programme; (ii) Murder of John Francis Greene; (iii) Weapons linking members of the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries. (iv) Profile of the Victims of the Dublin/Monaghan bombings. PROCEDURES: By a Motion of Referral by Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann dated 10th December, 2003, both Houses of the Oireachtas requested the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights, or a sub-committee thereof, to consider, including in public session, the Report and to report back to both Houses within three months concerning: (i) whether the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974 addresses all of the issues covered in the terms of reference of the Inquiry. (ii) the lessons to be drawn and any actions to be taken in the light of the Report, its findings and conclusions. (iii) whether, having regard to the Report’s findings, and following consultations with the Inquiry, a further public inquiry into any aspect of the Report would be required or fruitful. These are the circumstances which led the Joint Committee to establish the Sub- Committee to consider, including in public session, the Report and to report back to the Joint Committee. This Sub-Committee was given the same terms of reference as outlined above and this Report has been issued in accordance with those terms. 89 REQUEST FOR SUBMISSIONS: Before the Sub-Committee commenced its public hearings, it invited interested parties with information pertinent to its terms of reference to make submissions to it. In response, written submissions were received and many of them were clearly the result of a great deal of time and effort. As will be apparent from this Report, the submissions were of enormous benefit to the Sub-Committee and we are extremely grateful to all of the authors. A list of all the parties and bodies who provided the Committee with written submissions appears in Appendix 8 to this Report. After careful consideration of all the written submissions received, certain parties whose written submissions were of particular relevance to the Sub-Committee’s terms of reference were invited to make additional oral submissions. These submissions consisted of a short oral presentation followed by questions from individual members of the Sub-Committee about matters arising out of those presentations. Simply because an oral presentation was not requested, it does not follow that the Sub-Committee was not assisted by the other written submissions. All submissions were circulated to each member of the Sub- Committee and formed an integral part of its deliberations. A list of the persons and bodies who made oral submissions to the Sub- Committee is contained at Appendix 9 of this Report. At this point it is important to note that everyone who appeared before the Sub-Committee did so on a voluntary basis and the Sub-Committee wishes to sincerely thank all involved for their assistance with its work. In order to complete the work assigned to it by the Houses of the Oireachtas, the public hearings were organised into a number of modules. The Sub-Committee endeavoured, in adopting its proposed programme, to arrive at the best means of structuring its work, bearing in mind the specific terms of reference. The Sub- Committee adopted this programme in order to optimise the time available to it to fulfil its remit within the timeframe delegated by the Houses of the Oireachtas. The oral hearings were conducted over a number of days. The Sub-Committee has prepared this R pursuant to its terms of reference for the purposes of reporting back to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights, which in turn will report back to both Houses of the Oireachtas. The Joint Committee in line with its terms of reference will report back to the Houses of the Oireachtas by 1st April 2004. This Report of the Sub- Committee to both Houses, details the submissions made, hearings held, and such comments, recommendations or conclusions as the Sub-Committee has decided to make. The Sub-Committee would also like to take this opportunity to express its gratitude for the work done by the late Mr. Justice Hamilton and also by Mr. Justice Barron and their staff, who have performed an important public service in producing the Report that the Sub-Committee is considering herein. In respect of procedures, it should be noted that the Sub-Committee was bound by its very precise terms of reference. In particular, the Sub-Committee was not conducting an investigation of its own into the terrible events of 1974 or seeking 90 to apportion any blame to any person or body. The Sub-Committee had neither the jurisdiction nor the legal authority to perform any such function. It should also be noted that in its work, the Sub-Committee was both legally and constitutionally bound to respect and follow what was stated by the Supreme Court in its judgment in the Abbeylara case (Maguire v Ardagh [2002] 1 IR 385). In that case, Mr. Justice Hardiman stated that: “If the Oireachtas were enabled to send for any citizen and to reach findings of fact or conclusions which could be adverse to him and affect his reputation and employment, it would indeed be functioning as a ‘High Court of Parliament’ and its members would indeed be ‘general inquisitors of the realm’, to use the archaic language employed by the English courts to describe the former powers of the Westminister parliament. I have not heard anything that convinces me that there is in our Constitution anything which confers such a power on the Oireachtas, either in relation to civil or public servants or in relation to citizens generally.” Mr. Justice Geoghegan stated: “Any kind of inquiry by an Oireachtas committee or sub-committee for a direct and express legislative purpose and which would not be intended to result in findings of blameworthy conduct on the part of identifiable individuals is constitutionally and legally permissible.” As a result of what the Supreme Court stated in the Abbeylara case the Sub- Committee was legally restrained from entering into any adjudication on the issue of culpability. At all times it was conscious of working within its terms of reference. While conducting its public hearings, the Sub-Committee applied the Standing Orders of Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann. It is important to understand how the Sub-Committee approached its review of the Barron Report. It was not the function of the Sub-Committee to reach its own findings of fact. It was not permitted to do this under its terms of reference, and there would also be legal difficulties in making any findings of responsibility or culpability as a result of the Abbeylara judgment. The Sub-Committee was of the view that it could consider whether Mr. Justice Barron failed to address any issue in the sense of whether he dealt with it at all in his Report. In addition, it was of the view that it could legitimately consider whether: (i) any of the findings of Mr. Justice Barron appear to have been made in the absence of any evidence to support them, and whether (ii) any of the findings were made without any rational basis, for example, not hearing from a necessary witness. 91 |
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